Search This Blog

Noble Gold

NATIONAL DEBT CLOCK

Real Time US National Debt Clock | USA Debt Clock.com


United States National Debt  
United States National Debt Per Person  
United States National Debt Per Household  
Total US Unfunded Liabilities  
Social Security Unfunded Liability  
Medicare Unfunded Liability  
Prescription Drug Unfunded Liability  
National Healthcare Unfunded Liability  
Total US Unfunded Liabilities Per Person  
Total US Unfunded Liabilities Per Household  
United States Population  
Share this site:

Copyright 1987-2024

(last updated 2024-08-09/Close of previous day debt was $35123327978028.47 )

Market Indices

Market News

Stocks HeatMap

Crypto Coins HeatMap

The Weather

Conservative News

powered by Surfing Waves

3/10/26

ICE Houston arrests over 400 criminal illegal alien child sex offenders in President Trump’s first year back in office



The Democratic Family Vacation Massacre: Choosing Illegal Immigrants Over Your Summer Travel Plans

 

They're telling people to arrive at the Airport 5 hours before your plane leaves because the Democrats care more about amnesty for ILLEGALS than funding the TSA.

The Democratic Family Vacation Massacre: Choosing Illegal Immigrants Over Your Summer Travel Plans


It’s a scenario playing out in airports across the nation this spring break. You arrive at the airport, bags packed, ready for a well-deserved vacation with the family. You walk into the terminal, and you are greeted not by the usual organized chaos of travelers, but by a scene of pure, unadulterated madness. A serpentine line of frustrated people winds through the concourse, out the door, and into the parking garage. The wait time? Not 30 minutes. Not an hour. Try five hours.

This isn’t a third-world country with a failing infrastructure. This is the United States of America in 2026, and this is the new reality under a partial government shutdown of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). As you stand there, watching your flight’s departure time come and go on your phone, you have to ask yourself one question: Why?

The answer is as infuriating as it is simple: The Democratic Party has decided that protecting illegal immigrants from deportation is more important than funding the TSA agents who are supposed to keep us safe and ensure our travel runs smoothly. They are holding your family vacation hostage to secure "mass amnesty" for people who broke the law to be here .

And if you’re still planning to vote for these people in November, you are voting against your own interests, your own safety, and your own wallet.

A Crisis Manufactured by the Left

Let’s be crystal clear about what is happening. On February 13, funding for the Department of Homeland Security lapsed. This isn't a broad government shutdown affecting every agency; it’s a targeted strike. Democrats in Congress are refusing to pass a clean funding bill for DHS because they want to use it as leverage to kneecap Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Their demands are a wish list for the "open borders" lobby. They want to mandate judicial warrants for immigration enforcement, ban agents from using certain tactics, and effectively make it impossible to deport the millions of illegal aliens who flooded in during the Biden administration . Rep. Tom Emmer (R-MN) put it bluntly on Newsmax, stating that the Democrats' goal is to set up "mass amnesty." He called it a continuation of the "open-border policy" of the previous administration .

Because Republicans refuse to hamstring law enforcement and surrender our border sovereignty, the Democrats are throwing a temper tantrum. And since they can’t directly stop ICE which was funded separately through 2029 in a previous bill  they are going after the most visible, vulnerable parts of DHS that the average American interacts with every day: the TSA.

This isn't about policy nuance. This is political hostage-taking of the highest order. As Rep. Andy Biggs (R-AZ) explained, Democrats are willing to "punish people with TSA" because they care more about weakening immigration enforcement than they do about the daily lives of American citizens .

Welcome to the Five-Hour Security Line

The consequences of this Democratic temper tantrum are now on full display at airports from Houston to New Orleans to Charlotte. With roughly 50,000 TSA screeners working without pay, morale has collapsed . These essential workers are facing financial hardship, and many are simply not showing up. Some are calling in sick. Some are quitting. The result is a catastrophic staffing shortage right as the spring break travel season kicks into high gear .

The scenes are straight out of a nightmare. At Houston’s William P. Hobby Airport, passengers were told to arrive four to five hours before their flights after wait times ballooned to over three hours. In New Orleans, the TSA line snaked outside the terminal and deep into a parking garage, wrapping around "seven times" before travelers even got to the checkpoint. The DHS itself has warned of "TSA lines of up to nearly three hours long at some major airports, causing missed flights and massive delays".

Think about that. You are supposed to arrive half a workday early just to get on a plane. You are supposed to explain to your kids why they’re missing their flight to Disney World because the Democratic Party is more concerned about the "rights" of illegal aliens who shouldn’t be here in the first place.

Chris Sununu, president and CEO of Airlines for America, called it "unacceptable and un-American" to use passengers as a "political football" . He’s right. But he’s missing the point: this is the game the Democrats want to play. They are betting that the inconvenience to you will force Republicans to cave and give them the open-border policies they crave.

The Real "Defund the Police" Playbook

This entire debacle is a rebranding of the radical "Defund the Police" movement. Rep. Emmer identified it immediately: "This is just the next chapter of the Democrats' defund the police movement". They couldn't successfully defund local police departments, so now they're targeting federal law enforcement by holding their funding hostage.

Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) perfectly summed up the Democratic position: "Chuck Schumer wants to shut down ICE, and he doesn’t care that TSA is not going to get paid, and the Coast Guard is not going to get paid. It seems like all the Democrats want to do is support criminals that are coming into this country" .

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have laid out their demands, and they are extreme. They want to ban identity-protecting masks for immigration officers a common-sense safety measure and require judicial warrants for every single arrest. This isn't reform; it's paralysis. It’s designed to make sure that if an illegal alien with a violent criminal record is identified, the agents on the ground have to jump through so many hoops that he’ll be back on the street before they can act.

And to get this radical agenda passed, they are willing to grind air travel to a halt. They are willing to disrupt the lives of millions of American families, business travelers, and spring breakers. They are willing to let TSA agents who are showing up and doing their jobs despite not being paid suffer financially just to make a political point .

A Tale of Two Priorities

This crisis lays bare the fundamental divide in American politics. On one side, you have the Republican Party, which is fighting to fund the TSA, secure the border, and enforce the laws already on the books. On the other side, you have the Democratic Party, which is fighting to defund law enforcement and protect a population that is here illegally.

Make no mistake: this is a choice. The Democrats are making a conscious decision to defund the TSA. They are making a conscious decision to create these lines. They are making a conscious decision to make your life harder. Why? Because they believe illegal immigrants are a more important constituency than you are.

Remember that when you are standing in that five-hour line. Remember that the person who caused this mess isn't the TSA agent who called in sick because he can’t feed his family, and it isn't the Republican "extremists" who refuse to surrender the border. The person who caused this mess is the Democrat Senator who says he won't vote to fund the government unless we make it easier for criminals here illegally to stay.

The Bottom Line

If you are still a Democrat voter, you own this chaos. You own every single missed flight, every ruined vacation, and every frustrated family. You have empowered politicians who see your convenience, your safety, and your tax dollars as bargaining chips to be traded for the votes of illegal aliens.

This is not a glitch. This is a feature. It is the logical conclusion of a party that has abandoned the American worker, the American family, and the American citizen in favor of a radical, open-border ideology.

They are telling you to arrive at the airport five hours early because they care more about amnesty for illegal immigrants than funding the TSA.

If you are still willing to vote for that, you deserve the five-hour wait. But for the rest of us, it’s time to make our voices heard at the ballot box and send a message that American citizens come first.

#TSA #ICE #DHS #Travel #Democrats

What Can Oil Do For You?



What Can Oil Do For You?

Oil is more than just fuel; it is the bedrock of modern American prosperity and a cornerstone of national security. From a conservative perspective, the development of oil resources represents the triumph of capitalism, individualism, and American ingenuity. Far from being a mere commodity to be burned, petroleum is a "polyglot treasure" that provides the raw materials for thousands of products that define our way of life . This article will explore the vast importance of oil, the countless products it creates, and why a robust, independent energy sector is a matter of both economic necessity and patriotic duty.

The Lifeblood of Mobility and Freedom

The most visible use of oil is in fueling our transportation networks, the arteries of American commerce. Conservatives understand that the freedom to move to commute to work, to transport goods across the country, and to explore this great land is fundamental to our liberty and economic dynamism. Refineries process crude oil into the fuels that power this mobility. Gasoline propels the vast majority of American families' cars and light-duty trucks, granting them the autonomy to live, work, and travel as they choose. Diesel is the workhorse of the economy, powering the trucks, locomotives, and farm equipment that build our nation and feed our population. Jet fuel connects our cities and powers our global reach, enabling both commerce and travel. In essence, the internal combustion engine, fueled by oil, has been an engine of human freedom.

The Hidden Abundance: Beyond the Fuel Pump

However, to define oil solely by the fuel it provides is to miss the vast majority of its contribution to modern life. A single barrel of crude oil is a cornucopia of components that, after the refining and petrochemical process, become the building blocks for thousands of indispensable goods. The U.S. Energy Information Administration notes that a 42-gallon barrel of oil yields roughly 45 gallons of refined products a "processing gain" that speaks to the incredible efficiency and ingenuity of the industry . While gasoline (about 19.6 gallons) and distillate fuel oil (about 12.5 gallons) make up the largest share, the remaining gallons are where the magic happens. These include the feedstocks for synthetic rubber, plastic, and thousands of chemicals.


The Three Pillars of Synthetic Materials

From the remnants of the refining process, we derive the three major families of modern materials: synthetic fibers, plastics, and synthetic rubber.

1.  Synthetic Fibers: Our wardrobes are a testament to oil. Nylon, polyester, acrylic, and spandex are all petroleum derivatives . These materials offer durability, flexibility, and affordability, clothing the world in ways that natural fibers alone never could.

2. Plastics (Synthetic Resins): Plastics are perhaps the most ubiquitous and versatile gift of petroleum. They are essential for modern medicine, used in IV bags, syringes, heart valves, and contact lenses. They preserve our food and reduce waste through lightweight packaging. They insulate our homes, form the components of our electronics from smartphones to televisions, and are even woven into the very fabric of our currency, with polymer bank notes lasting longer and being more secure than paper .

3. Synthetic Rubber: Found in everything from tires for our vehicles to industrial seals and medical supplies, synthetic rubber is another critical product derived from petrochemical feedstocks .

Building America and Feeding the World

The conservative ethos of building and producing is deeply tied to oil. Asphalt, derived from the refining process, paves our roads and interstates, the very infrastructure of American commerce . Beyond construction, oil is fundamental to modern agriculture. Synthetic fertilizers, made from natural gas and oil feedstocks, are essential for high-yield crop production that feeds hundreds of millions. Without them, the bounty of American farms would be a fraction of what it is today.

Energy Independence: A Moral and Strategic Imperative

For conservatives, the importance of domestic oil production transcends economics; it is a matter of national security and moral clarity. The historical reliance on foreign oil, often from unstable or hostile regions of the world, has long been a strategic vulnerability. This concept has been explored as "oilcraft," a set of beliefs about oil's unique geopolitical power that has often driven U.S. foreign policy into dangerous entanglements . The drive to secure foreign reserves has, at times, led to an interventionist foreign policy that runs counter to conservative principles of restraint and national focus.

The American oilman has a storied history, driven by a spirit of risk-taking and enterprise that stands in stark contrast to the centralized control of state-owned enterprises . The modern "shale revolution," powered by the ingenuity and capital of these latter-day wildcatters, has fundamentally altered the global energy landscape. By unlocking vast reserves of oil and natural gas through hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling, the United States has transitioned from a position of scarcity and dependence to one of abundance and leadership. As one economic analysis noted, there are over a century's worth of global supply available in resources like the Canadian oil sands and Venezuelan deposits, with American technology making their extraction increasingly viable.

This new reality of energy dominance allows the U.S. to deal with the world from a position of strength. It severs the link between American prosperity and the whims of autocratic regimes. It empowers our allies in Europe and Asia who seek alternatives to coercive energy suppliers. Pursuing an "all-of-the-above" energy strategy that maximizes our domestic potential is not just good economics; it is a pro-freedom, pro-America policy.

Conclusion

Oil is the unsung hero of the American story. It is the molecular foundation of our prosperity, the source of our mobility, and a critical component of our national security. Its derivatives heal the sick, feed the hungry, and clothe the world. From a conservative viewpoint, the oil and natural gas industry is a shining example of what free people can achieve. It provides the products that enhance our daily lives, the jobs that support millions of American families, and the energy to power the greatest nation on earth. Embracing our domestic resources and rejecting the false choice between the economy and the environment is not just practical; it is a patriotic affirmation of American exceptionalism.

#Oil #FossilFuel #Plastic

3/9/26

Trump Dealt With Iran When Past Presidents Did Not



Trump’s Iran Doctrine: Breaking Decades of Failed Containment


For over forty years, the United States watched the Iranian regime grow bolder. From the hostage crisis under Jimmy Carter to the rise of proxy terror groups across the Middle East, American presidents responded with a predictable cycle of weak sanctions and empty rhetoric until now. Donald Trump did what eight predecessors would not: he dealt with Iran directly, decisively, and on America’s terms.

The recent U.S.-Israeli strikes that eliminated Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei represent a fundamental shift in American foreign policy one that replaces decades of failed containment with a doctrine of confrontation aimed at protecting American interests and finally holding the world’s leading state sponsor of terror accountable .

The Long History of Presidential Inaction

To understand the significance of Trump’s approach, one must first acknowledge the sheer scale of presidential failure that preceded it. The pattern was set early: reaction without resolution, pressure without purpose.

Bill Clinton pioneered the “containment” strategy, treating Iran as a nuisance to be managed rather than a threat to be eliminated. He signed executive orders banning American investment in Iran’s oil industry but offered diplomatic openings when Tehran showed even minimal flexibility. The result? Iran’s terror network expanded throughout the 1990s while American businesses sat on the sidelines .

George W. Bush famously labeled Iran part of the “axis of evil” in 2002 tough words that rang hollow when his administration proceeded to eliminate Iran’s two most significant regional rivals: the Taliban in Afghanistan and Saddam Hussein in Iraq. By removing these counterweights, Bush inadvertently handed Tehran exactly what it wanted: regional dominance on a silver platter .

Then came Barack Obama’s catastrophic nuclear deal the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Obama treated Iran as a legitimate negotiating partner, offering billions in sanctions relief and international legitimacy in exchange for temporary nuclear restrictions that expired almost as soon as they took effect. The deal did nothing to curb Iran’s ballistic missile program, nothing to stop its terror financing, and nothing to address its belligerent regional ambitions . As Trump himself recently noted, Obama’s deal was “the most dangerous transaction we have ever entered into” .

Even Obama’s successor in the Democratic Party, Joe Biden, spent his term desperately trying to revive this failed agreement, proving that the left had learned absolutely nothing from years of Iranian duplicity .

Trump’s First Term: Laying the Groundwork

Trump’s first term represented the first real departure from this weak-kneed consensus. In 2018, he withdrew from the Obama-era nuclear deal not because he wanted war, but because he understood that bad agreements lead to worse outcomes. He reimposed crippling sanctions and made clear that American patience with Iranian aggression had reached its limit .

The 2020 killing of Qassem Soleimani, the mastermind of Iran’s regional terror network, sent an unmistakable message: American officials were no longer off-limits. Unlike his predecessors, who responded to Iranian provocations with sternly worded statements, Trump actually held the regime accountable for its actions .

Critics predicted immediate war. It never came. Instead, Iran launched symbolic retaliatory strikes that carefully avoided American casualties, revealing the regime’s true nature: it understood strength and respected only power.

The Shift from Containment to Confrontation

What we are witnessing now is the logical conclusion of Trump’s maximum pressure campaign. The joint U.S.-Israeli operation that eliminated Khamenei marks the definitive end of the containment era .

For decades, consecutive administrations—both Republican and Democrat—operated under the assumption that Iran could be managed, contained, or negotiated into responsible behavior. This was always a fantasy. You cannot contain a revolutionary regime whose explicit ideology calls for American destruction. You cannot negotiate with those who view compromise as weakness.

Trump’s approach recognizes this fundamental truth. As The Conversation noted in its analysis, his administration has “shifted American policy towards Iran from one of containment to confrontation” . This isn’t warmongering—it’s realism. When your enemy has spent forty years killing Americans, destabilizing allies, and advancing toward nuclear weapons, at some point you must actually do something about it.

Why This Time Is Different

Critics have predictably raised comparisons to the Iraq War, but these are intellectually dishonest. George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion involved 200,000 ground troops, a multi-year occupation, and explicit nation-building objectives . Trump’s approach is fundamentally different.

As military historians have noted, Trump isn’t proposing an American takeover of Iran. He isn’t putting hundreds of thousands of boots on the ground. Instead, his strategy targets the regime’s leadership and military infrastructure while calling on the Iranian people who have repeatedly shown their hatred for the theocracy to take control of their own destiny . “When we are finished, take over your government,” Trump told Iranians directly. “It will be yours to take” .

This is not imperialism. It is liberation.

The contrast with the Venezuela operation is equally instructive. There, the U.S. took direct control of transition planning and election oversight . In Iran, Trump has explicitly rejected that model, recognizing that lasting change must come from within.

The Conservative Divide: A Healthy Debate

Trump’s Iran policy has generated healthy debate within conservative circles, with some isolationist voices expressing concern about endless wars . This is precisely what conservative intellectual life should look like principled disagreement rather than mindless tribalism.

But the arguments for Trump’s approach are compelling. Fox News contributors have rightly described the strikes as “just and imperative.” The Wall Street Journal editorial board, representing the mature conservative foreign policy establishment, called them “necessary” and warned against ending the campaign prematurely .

The isolationist critique, while sincere, misunderstands the stakes. America cannot simply ignore Iran. The regime has pursued nuclear weapons for decades, funded terror groups that have killed Americans, and consistently threatened our closest Middle Eastern allies. Withdrawal from the world is not a luxury a superpower can afford.

As National Review contributors have noted, comparisons to Iraq are fallacious. This conflict will likely conclude “within a few weeks,” not years . The objective is not nation-building but regime removal—a far more limited and achievable goal.

The Nuclear Dimension

Perhaps most importantly, Trump’s actions have prevented an Iranian nuclear weapon. As he recently stated on Truth Social, “If I didn’t terminate Obama’s horrendous Iran Nuclear Deal (JCPOA), Iran would have had a Nuclear Weapon three years ago” .

This is not boastful exaggeration it is simple arithmetic. The Obama deal’s sunset provisions meant that by 2025, Iran would have been legally permitted to resume full enrichment. Given the regime’s track record of cheating and deception, a nuclear-armed Iran was inevitable under the old approach.

Trump’s withdrawal from the deal, combined with sustained military pressure, has disrupted that timeline and potentially eliminated the threat entirely. The current campaign aims to “dismantle Iran’s missile capabilities, cripple its navy, [and] block any path to a nuclear weapon” .

The Road Ahead

The Iranian regime is now in unprecedented disarray. Its supreme leader is dead. Its succession plan is unclear. Its military command structure is compromised . The Iranian people, who have protested the regime repeatedly in recent years, face a genuine opportunity to reclaim their country from the clerics who have oppressed them since 1979.

Will it be easy? No. Regime change is always messy, and the Iranian government retains significant repressive capacity. As one expert noted, significant defections remain unlikely in the immediate term .

But for the first time in forty years, the possibility of a free Iran exists. And that possibility exists because Donald Trump rejected the failed playbook of his predecessors. He refused to accept that the status quo was inevitable. He understood that sometimes, peace requires strength, and security requires action.

Conclusion

Eight presidents tried to deal with Iran. They sanctioned, negotiated, and contained. And through it all, the regime grew stronger, richer, and more dangerous.

Trump tried something different. He recognized that the only language the mullahs understand is force. He understood that bad deals are worse than no deals. And he had the courage to act when action was necessary.

Historians will debate the wisdom of specific tactics, but the broader strategy is beyond reproach: America cannot negotiate with those who seek its destruction. It cannot contain those who reject containment. And it cannot wait forever while hostile regimes pursue the world’s most dangerous weapons.

Trump dealt with Iran because past presidents would not. In doing so, he may have finally ended the Islamic Republic’s four-decade war on America and opened the door to a free and democratic Iran. That is not just conservative leadership it is American leadership at its finest.

#Iran #Trump #MiddleEast #Reagan #Bush #Carter #Obama #Biden #Clinton

Five Iranian footballers 'in Australian safe house' after Asian Cup protest

 


Five Iranian footballers 'in Australian safe house' after Asian Cup protest


3/6/26

The Articles of the Constitution: A Conservative and Originalist Perspective

 


The Articles of the Constitution: A Conservative and Originalist Perspective


The United States Constitution is not merely a governing document; it is the foundational charter of American liberty. For conservatives and originalists, understanding the Constitution means understanding what the text meant to those who ratified it the "original public meaning" that bound the new nation together and continues to bind us today. This approach, refined over decades of legal scholarship, holds that a legal text retains the meaning it had at the moment of enactment until properly amended. From this perspective, Articles I, II, and III establish a carefully calibrated structure of separated powers, each with distinct duties and responsibilities designed to preserve liberty through balanced governance.

Article I: The Legislative Power

Article I establishes the Congress of the United States as the first branch of government a deliberate choice by the Founders reflecting their belief that in a republic, the lawmaking power should be the most directly accountable to the people . The Legislative Vesting Clause provides that "all legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives."

The Bicameral Structure

The Constitution creates two houses of Congress for distinct purposes. The House of Representatives, described in Section 2, was designed to be closest to the people, with members elected every two years directly by the voters. All revenue bills must originate in the House, reflecting the foundational principle of "no taxation without representation"  the people's representatives control the purse strings .

The Senate, established in Section 3, was designed as a more deliberative body, with members originally chosen by state legislatures (a practice changed by the Seventeenth Amendment) serving six-year terms. This structure ensured that states retained a voice in the national government and that longer terms would temper the passions that might sweep through the more democratic House.

Enumerated Powers and Limitations

For originalists, the most critical feature of Article I is that Congress possesses only those powers "herein granted" the enumerated powers listed primarily in Section 8 . These include the power to tax and spend for the common defense and general welfare, to borrow money, to regulate commerce among the states and with foreign nations, to establish uniform rules of naturalization and bankruptcy, to coin money, to establish post offices, to declare war, to raise and support armies, and to make all laws "necessary and proper" for executing these powers.

The Necessary and Proper Clause has been a particular focus of originalist attention. The original meaning of "necessary" was not "essential" but rather "convenient" or "useful" in executing the enumerated powers a point of vigorous debate between strict constructionists and those favoring broader congressional authority.

Article I, Section 9 imposes crucial limitations on federal power: restrictions on suspending habeas corpus (except in rebellion or invasion), prohibitions on bills of attainder and ex post facto laws, and limits on direct taxation. Section 10 extends these limitations to the states, forbidding them from entering treaties, coining money, passing laws impairing the obligation of contracts (the Contracts Clause), or engaging in war without congressional consent .

The Contracts Clause

The Contracts Clause of Article I, Section 10, which forbids states from impairing the obligation of contracts, illustrates originalist methodology. As the Supreme Court recently addressed in *Sveen v. Melin*, the question is what the original public meaning of "impair" was at ratification. Justice Gorsuch's dissent in that case argued that the text forbids any impairment, not merely substantial impairment—a position grounded in the plain meaning of the words .

Article II: The Executive Power

Article II establishes the presidency, and its opening words have generated perhaps the most significant originalist debate of our time: "The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."

The Meaning of "Executive Power"

The critical interpretive question is what the Vesting Clause conveys. Three competing interpretations have emerged. The "cross-reference thesis" views the clause as having no independent content it simply introduces the specific powers listed later. The "law execution thesis" holds that it grants precisely what its grammar suggests: the power to execute the laws. The "royal residuum thesis" reads the clause to include all powers typically held by an eighteenth-century executive, particularly in foreign affairs and national security, unless specifically reallocated elsewhere .

From a conservative originalist perspective, the law execution thesis is most consistent with the text and structure. As one scholar has demonstrated through exhaustive examination of Founding-era dictionaries, legal treatises, and political theory, late eighteenth-century readers understood "the executive power" to have a simple, unambiguous meaning: the power to execute the laws . This reading rejects the notion that the presidency possesses inherent, indefeasible powers beyond those enumerated.

Specific Powers and Duties

Section 2 designates the President as Commander in Chief of the armed forces and grants power to grant reprieves and pardons, to make treaties (with the advice and consent of the Senate, requiring two-thirds approval), and to appoint ambassadors, judges, and other officers (also with Senate consent).

Section 3 imposes affirmative duties: the President "shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union" (the State of the Union address), may convene both houses on extraordinary occasions, shall receive ambassadors, and most critically "shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed" . This Take Care Clause is the affirmative counterpart to the Vesting Clause—the President's duty to ensure that congressional enactments are implemented.

The Natural Born Citizen Requirement

Article II, Section 1 imposes a qualification that has sparked originalist inquiry: only a "natural born Citizen" is eligible for the presidency. As one scholar notes, there is almost no contemporary evidence of what the framers and ratifiers understood the precise contours of this limit to be . The leading treatment concludes that the provision likely incorporated the broader British notion of citizenship (including birth abroad to citizen parents) rather than the narrower *jus soli* principle, but the evidence is unclear . For originalists, such indeterminacy requires careful historical investigation rather than imposition of modern preferences.

Article III: The Judicial Power

Article III establishes the judicial branch, and its provisions have generated perhaps the most sophisticated originalist jurisprudence of all.

Vesting and Scope

Section 1 vests "the judicial Power of the United States" in one Supreme Court and such inferior courts as Congress may establish. Judges hold their offices during good behavior and receive compensation that cannot be diminished during their tenure—protections designed to ensure judicial independence.

Section 2 defines the scope of judicial power, extending it to all cases arising under the Constitution, federal laws, and treaties; to cases affecting ambassadors; to admiralty and maritime cases; to controversies to which the United States is a party; to controversies between states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, and between a state or its citizens and foreign states or citizens.

Original Jurisdiction and Appellate Review

The Supreme Court's original jurisdiction extends to cases affecting ambassadors and those in which a state is a party; in all other cases, the Court has appellate jurisdiction "with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make." This Exceptions Clause has been the subject of originalist debate regarding Congress's power to limit the Court's appellate review.

The Case or Controversy Requirement

Article III limits federal courts to deciding actual "Cases" or "Controversies." This requirement has profound implications for standing to sue—the question of who may invoke judicial power. A recent development in originalist scholarship is the "Article II theory of standing," which argues that limits on standing derive not from Article III alone but from the President's Article II duty to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed" . Proponents argue that private enforcement actions unconstitutionally interfere with executive prosecutorial discretion. However, historical evidence suggests that private parties routinely conducted criminal prosecutions at the Founding, often without executive oversight, casting doubt on this theory .

Judicial Review and Its Limitations

The power of judicial review the authority to declare laws unconstitutional is not explicitly mentioned in Article III but was established in Marbury v. Madison (1803). As one commentary notes, constitutional interpretation involves multiple modalities of argument: historical (original intent or original public meaning), textual (the words themselves), structural (inferences from the Constitution's overall design), doctrinal (precedent), ethical (moral commitments reflected in the Constitution), and prudential (balancing costs and benefits) .

Originalists prioritize the first three, particularly original public meaning. The doctrine of strict necessity requires courts to decide constitutional questions only when compelled, avoiding broader rulings than necessary and deciding on other grounds when possible . This prudential restraint reflects the understanding that judicial review, while essential, must be exercised with humility.

The Originalist Vision: A Government of Limited Powers

From an originalist perspective, Articles I, II, and III establish a government of limited, enumerated powers a structure designed to protect liberty by dividing authority and creating competing institutions. Congress legislates within its enumerated grants. The President executes the laws faithfully. The judiciary decides actual cases and controversies according to the law's original meaning.

This vision rejects the notion that constitutional interpretation should evolve with changing societal values. As one scholar puts it, originalism "understands a legal text to retain the meaning it had at the moment when it was enacted or ratified, until such time as the law is amended or repealed" . The discoverable public meaning at ratification is authoritative for later interpretation.

Critics argue that originalism can be manipulated to achieve preferred results that "public-meaning originalists" sometimes retrieve framers' intentions and expectations rather than genuine public meaning . Justice Scalia's opinion in *District of Columbia v. Heller* was derided by some as "faux originalism" that selectively parsed evidence . Such criticisms remind us that originalism, properly understood, requires rigorous historical investigation, not cherry-picking evidence to support predetermined outcomes.

Conclusion

The Constitution's first three articles establish the architecture of American self-government. Article I creates a Congress of enumerated powers, structured bicamerally to balance popular will with deliberative wisdom. Article II vests executive power in a President duty-bound to faithfully execute the laws. Article III establishes an independent judiciary empowered to decide cases arising under law.

For conservatives and originalists, these provisions are not museum pieces but living guides to constitutional governance. They remind us that liberty depends on structure on the careful separation and balancing of powers that prevents any single faction or faction from dominating the rest. Understanding their original meaning is not antiquarianism but fidelity to the constitutional compact that binds us still.

#Constitution #Government 


Here is a Survival Tip when SHTF

 

Here Is A Survival Tip When SHTF:

Have a manual can opener on hand when then power goes out. The neighbors will have canned food, but they probably can't open it. Charge them $1/can to open their food...or have them give you half the can...

...Harsh times call for Harsh actions...

#Survival #Prepping #SHTF

Survival Wisdom: Why Personal Responsibility Trumps Government Dependency When Society Frays


There is a genre of social media post that manages to be simultaneously humorous, practical, and philosophically profound. The recent suggestion about owning a manual can opener when the power goes out belongs squarely in that category. The premise is simple: when society experiences a disruption whether from natural disaster, grid failure, or economic collapse those who prepared will have resources that others lack. The punchline is darker: "Charge them $1/can to open their food...or have them give you half the can...Harsh times call for Harsh actions."

From a conservative perspective, this post encapsulates a fundamental truth about human nature and social organization that progressives refuse to acknowledge. In moments of crisis, the difference between those who prepared and those who did not becomes starkly visible. And the relationship between the two groups is not governed by appeals to "equity" or demands for government intervention, but by the ancient laws of supply, demand, and mutual necessity.

The Folly of Dependency

The progressive worldview assumes that government can and should provide for every contingency. It imagines a society where no one needs to prepare because the state will always be there with resources, shelter, and support. This fantasy collapses the moment the power grid goes down and the ATMs stop working.

Consider the reality of a prolonged power outage. Refrigerators defrost. Freezers thaw. Fresh food spoils within days. But canned food lasts for years if you can open it. And here is the uncomfortable truth that the post highlights: most Americans own exactly zero manual can openers. They rely on electric models that are useless without power. They have stocked their pantries with cans of soup, vegetables, and beans, but they lack the simple tool required to access that food.

The prepared individual, by contrast, owns a $10 manual can opener. That $10 investment becomes a source of immense leverage when the alternative is watching your family go hungry while food sits in sealed containers just feet away.

This is not exploitation. This is the natural operation of value in a free market. The can opener is worthless without cans; the cans are worthless without an opener. The person who had the foresight to acquire both has created value for himself and, potentially, for his neighbors. The transaction whether for cash or for half the contents of each can is a voluntary exchange that benefits both parties. The neighbor gets access to food he otherwise could not reach. The prepared individual is compensated for his foresight and for the use of his property.

The Moral Framework of Preparedness

Progressives will recoil at this suggestion. They will call it greedy, selfish, un-neighborly. They will insist that in a crisis, those with resources have a moral obligation to share them freely with those who lack them. This sentiment sounds noble in the abstract, but it collapses under the weight of practical reality.

First, it ignores the question of why one person prepared and another did not. The prepared individual sacrificed something whether discretionary income, time spent learning skills, or the opportunity cost of other purchases—to acquire the tools and supplies that might prove essential in an emergency. The unprepared neighbor made different choices. He spent his money on entertainment, dining out, or luxury items. He assumed that someone else would provide for him if things went wrong. Why should the prepared individual's sacrifice be negated by the unprepared individual's lack of foresight?

Second, the "share freely" approach creates perverse incentives. If people know that those who prepared will be forced to share with those who did not, then no one will prepare. Why invest in emergency supplies if they will simply be confiscated by neighbors or government officials the moment a crisis hits? The result is a society where everyone is equally unprepared and equally vulnerable a condition that helps no one.

Third, the "share freely" approach ignores the reality of limited resources. The prepared individual may have enough canned food for his own family for two weeks. If he opens his pantry to the entire neighborhood, that food will be gone in a day. His family will then face the same hunger as everyone else, but without even the compensation that might have allowed them to acquire additional supplies. Sharing freely is not generosity; it is self-destruction.

The Historical Precedent

History offers countless examples of societies where preparedness determined survival. The pioneers crossing the American frontier understood this instinctively. They carried their own supplies, traded with others when necessary, and expected no assistance from distant governments. Communities that survived disasters whether natural or man-made were those where individuals had prepared and where markets could function, however crudely.

The collapse of the Soviet Union provides a more recent example. For decades, Soviet citizens were told that the state would provide for all their needs. When the state collapsed, those who had cultivated private gardens, maintained connections in the black market, and acquired skills outside the official economy fared far better than those who had relied entirely on government rations. The prepared survived; the dependent suffered.

The Broader Conservative Principle

The can opener analogy extends far beyond emergency preparedness. It illustrates the broader conservative conviction that personal responsibility, foresight, and self-reliance are virtues that benefit both individuals and society as a whole. The prepared individual is not a drain on others in times of crisis; he is a resource. His preparedness creates options that would not otherwise exist.

This is why conservatives oppose policies that penalize success and reward failure. Progressive taxation, wealth redistribution, and the expansion of the welfare state all send the same message: it does not matter whether you prepare, because the government will take from those who did and give to those who did not. This message destroys the incentive for personal responsibility and creates a society of dependency.

The manual can opener is a small thing, but it symbolizes something large. It represents the difference between those who take responsibility for their own lives and those who expect others to take responsibility for them. It represents the difference between those who think ahead and those who live only in the moment. It represents the difference between those who understand that freedom requires self-reliance and those who believe that freedom means freedom from consequences.

The Limits of Community

None of this is to say that conservatives reject community or mutual aid. On the contrary, conservatives recognize that strong communities are built on relationships of reciprocal obligation, not on one-way transfers enforced by the state. The neighbor with the can opener may well choose to open cans for free for elderly neighbors or families with small children. He may trade opening services for information, labor, or future consideration. He may establish a rate that seems fair to all parties.

The key difference is that these transactions are voluntary. They arise from mutual agreement rather than government coercion. They reflect the values and circumstances of the individuals involved rather than the dictates of distant bureaucrats. And they strengthen community bonds precisely because they are chosen rather than imposed.

Conclusion

The survival tip about the manual can opener is not really about can openers at all. It is about the fundamental nature of human society and the conditions under which freedom can flourish. It reminds us that in the end, we are responsible for ourselves and our families. It reminds us that foresight and preparation are virtues, not optional extras. It reminds us that when the power goes out literally or metaphorically the distinction between those who prepared and those who did not becomes painfully clear.

"Harsh times call for Harsh actions." This is not a celebration of cruelty; it is an acknowledgment of reality. In a crisis, the rules change. The normal operations of society are suspended. Those who have prepared have an advantage, and those who have not must either accept the consequences of their lack of preparation or negotiate with those who were wiser.

The progressive fantasy of a government that provides for everyone, in every circumstance, is just that a fantasy. The conservative reality is that freedom requires responsibility, that preparation is wisdom, and that in the end, we are all responsible for our own survival. Buy a manual can opener. Learn to use it. And when the neighbors come knocking, you can decide for yourself what price seems fair.

The Sunni-Shia Divide: Understanding the 1,400-Year-Old Schism That Shapes the Middle East

 


Iran is SHIITE Muslim. The SHIITE hate the SUNNI. That goes back too way back when. I wanna say 600AD. Most of the Middle East is SUNNI. Saudi Arabia is SUNNI. The majority of Iraq was and is SHIITE. However, Sadam Hussein was SUNNI. Al Quieda was SUNNI. Isis was SUNNI. Hamas is SUNNI. Osama Bin Laden was SUNNI. The only time the SHIITE and SUNNI unite is because when they all HATE the same 'Devil' they work together.

This is what is not and has not been explained to the average voter before we get into any situation in the Middle East. They hate each other LESS than they hate US. The Tribes that handed General Custer his ass didn't like each other. After they got done with Custer they went their separate ways.

Now, Iran is shooting missiles at every Arab country in site. They are trying to drain out missiles. Their stuff costs 150K each. Our stuff costs 1.5 Million.

The Sunni-Shia Divide: Understanding the 1,400-Year-Old Schism That Shapes the Middle East

Before the American people can be expected to support military engagements or diplomatic commitments in the Middle East, they deserve to understand the fundamental religious and historical dynamics that drive the region's conflicts. Yet this basic education is almost never provided by our political leaders or mainstream media. Voters are told that we must confront Iran, or support certain factions in Iraq, or navigate the complexities of the Syrian civil war, without ever being given the essential context that makes these conflicts intelligible.

A recent social media post cuts through this fog with characteristic bluntness: "This is what is not and has not been explained to the average voter before we get into any situation in the Middle East." The post proceeds to outline the Sunni-Shia divide, its origins in the seventh century, and its modern geopolitical manifestations. It is a primer that every American should have before forming opinions about Middle East policy. Here, then, is that explanation.

The Origin: A Succession Crisis in 632 AD

The split between Sunni and Shia Muslims dates to the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 AD . The question was simple: who should lead the Muslim community after the Prophet's passing? But the answer would divide Islam permanently.

The majority of Muslims believed that the leader should be chosen by consensus among the community's elders. They selected Abu Bakr, a close companion of the Prophet and father of his favorite wife, Aisha, as the first caliph. This group would come to be known as Sunnis, from "Ahl al-Sunnah," meaning "people of the prophetic tradition".

A minority believed that leadership should remain within the Prophet's family, specifically through his cousin and son-in-law, Ali ibn Abi Talib, who was married to the Prophet's daughter Fatima . They argued that the Prophet had designated Ali as his successor. This group became known as Shia, short for "Shiat Ali," meaning "partisans of Ali".

The political dispute soon became a bloody one. Ali eventually became the fourth caliph, but his rule was contested. He was assassinated in 661 AD. His son, Hussein, led a rebellion against the Umayyad caliphate and was killed along with his small band of followers at the Battle of Karbala in present-day Iraq in 680 AD . This martyrdom became the central tragedy of Shia Islam, commemorated annually in the ritual of Ashura, during which some Shia flagellate themselves in mourning for Hussein's death.

Theological and Practical Differences

Over the centuries, theological and legal differences developed between the two branches. Sunnis, who comprise approximately 85-90% of the world's Muslims, emphasize the authority of the Quran and the Sunnah (the traditions of the Prophet) as interpreted through scholarly consensus . They developed four main schools of legal thought: Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali .

Shia Islam, with about 10-15% of Muslims worldwide, developed its own legal traditions and a distinct concept of religious authority. Twelver Shiism, the largest Shia branch, believes in a line of twelve imams descended from Ali, the last of whom is believed to be in occultation and will return as a messianic figure . This has historically given Shia Islam a more hierarchical religious structure, with clerics wielding greater authority than in most Sunni traditions.

Despite these differences, both branches share the fundamental tenets of Islam: belief in one God, the prophethood of Muhammad, the Quran as divine revelation, and the Five Pillars of Islamic practice . Sunni and Shia pilgrims have coexisted for centuries and continue to rub shoulders during the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca .

The Modern Geopolitical Map

The social media post correctly identifies the modern distribution of these sects, a distribution with profound geopolitical implications.

Iran is the world's largest Shia-majority country, with approximately 90-95% of its population adhering to Shia Islam . Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran has positioned itself as the leader of the Shia world, exporting its revolutionary ideology and supporting Shia movements across the region.

Most of the Middle East is Sunni-majority. Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Islam and site of its holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, is approximately 85-90% Sunni . The dominant Saudi religious establishment adheres to a particularly austere and conservative interpretation of Sunni Islam known as Wahhabism or Salafism, which has historically been hostile to Shia Islam and has influenced Sunni jihadist movements worldwide.

Iraq presents a more complex picture. The country is majority Shia, approximately 60-65% of the population, with Sunnis comprising 15-20% and Kurds most of the remainder . Yet under Saddam Hussein, a Sunni from the Tikrit region, Iraq was ruled by a Sunni elite that systematically suppressed the Shia majority . The 2003 invasion that toppled Saddam reversed this power dynamic, empowering Shia parties with close ties to Iran—a development that has fueled Sunni resentment and ongoing instability .

The Sunni Jihadist Phenomenon

The post correctly notes that virtually every major jihadist terrorist organization is Sunni. This is not coincidental. Al-Qaeda, founded by Osama bin Laden, a Saudi Sunni, grew out of the Sunni Arab mujahideen network that fought the Soviets in Afghanistan . ISIS emerged from Al-Qaeda in Iraq, drawing on Sunni Arab resentment of Shia-dominated government in Baghdad . Hamas, the Palestinian militant group, is an offshoot of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood and its charter explicitly invokes jihad against Israel as a religious duty . The Taliban, which now rules Afghanistan, is a Sunni movement .

These groups, particularly those influenced by the Wahhabi/Salafi tradition, often denigrate Shia Muslims as apostates or heretics . This theological hostility fuels sectarian violence in countries like Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, and Yemen.

The Enemy of My Enemy

The post's most insightful observation concerns the relationship between these two rival branches: "The only time the SHIITE and SUNNI unite is because when they all HATE the same 'Devil' they work together." This is a profound truth about Middle Eastern politics.

The post draws a brilliant analogy to the Plains Indian tribes that defeated Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn. The Lakota, Cheyenne, and Arapaho were not allies in any permanent sense; they often fought each other. But they united against a common enemy, and after that enemy was defeated, they went their separate ways. This is precisely how Sunni and Shia Islamist groups operate.

Consider Yemen, where the Shia Houthi movement and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula are sworn ideological enemies. Yet as the Hoover Institution notes, despite their official hostility, no evidence of conflict between them has appeared in about three years . Both are focused on fighting the common enemy: the United States and its allies.

Consider also recent developments in Iran, where Sunni clerics have joined their Shia counterparts in publicly backing the Islamic Republic against Western pressure . When faced with external threats, sectarian divisions can be temporarily set aside.

The Practical Takeaway for American Voters

The post concludes with a pointed observation about the current conflict between Iran and its Arab neighbors. Iran has been launching missiles at various targets, and the cost differential is staggering: Iranian missiles cost approximately $150,000 each, while American defensive systems cost $1.5 million or more [citation:original post].

This is not merely an economic observation; it is a strategic one. Iran can afford to fire missiles at a ratio of ten to one and still come out ahead financially. They can "drain out missiles" in a way that the United States cannot easily counter without bankrupting itself or escalating to levels of force that would invite wider war.

The broader lesson for American voters is that we cannot understand Middle Eastern conflicts—or make wise decisions about American involvement in them—without understanding the religious and historical forces at work. The Sunni-Shia divide is not a relic of the seventh century; it is a living reality that shapes alliances, enmities, and strategies today.

As the post puts it: "They hate each other LESS than they hate US." This is not comforting, but it is clarifying. It means that whatever temporary alliances we may form with one faction against another, those alliances are transactional and temporary. It means that the various Islamist groups, Sunni and Shia, share a deeper hostility to the West that can reassert itself at any time.

Conclusion

The 1,400-year-old schism between Sunni and Shia Islam is not merely an academic curiosity. It is the fault line along which the Middle East continues to fracture. Iran, the leading Shia power, faces off against Sunni-majority states led by Saudi Arabia. Iraq struggles to balance its Shia majority with its Sunni and Kurdish minorities. Terrorist groups from Al-Qaeda to ISIS to Hamas draw on Sunni extremism and target Shia "apostates" alongside Western "infidels."

Americans deserve to understand this before they are asked to support interventions, alliances, or wars in the region. The social media post that prompted this article provides, in a few hundred words, more useful context than most voters ever receive from official sources. It is a reminder that in foreign policy, as in so much else, an informed citizenry is the first line of defense against costly and unnecessary entanglements.

Understanding the Sunni-Shia divide will not make Middle Eastern politics simple—nothing can do that. But it can make them intelligible. And that is the essential first step toward wise decision-making in a region where the United States has vital interests but also profound limitations.

#Sunni #Shiite #Muslim #Mislims

3/3/26

Old clip of Trump talking about Iran in 1980 goes viral



Iran: In Case You Forgot ...


 Yup, in case people forget.

Iranian action against the US.

• November 4, 1979: Seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and taking 52 Americans hostage for 444 days.

• April 18, 1983: Bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut by Iran-backed Hezbollah, killing 63 people including 17 Americans.

• October 23, 1983: Bombing of the U.S. Marine Barracks in Beirut by Iran-backed Hezbollah, killing 241 U.S. servicemen.

• December 12, 1983: Bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Kuwait by Iran-backed operatives, killing five and injuring 86.

• September 20, 1984: Bombing of the U.S. Embassy annex in East Beirut by Iran-backed Hezbollah, killing two Americans.

• December 3, 1984: Hijacking of Kuwait Airways Flight 221 by Hezbollah affiliates with Iranian complicity, killing two U.S. officials.

• June 14, 1985: Hijacking of TWA Flight 847 by Iran-backed Hezbollah, killing one U.S. Navy diver.

• April 14, 1988: Iranian mine damages USS Samuel B. Roberts in the Persian Gulf, injuring crew and causing extensive damage.


• June 25, 1996: Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia by Iran-backed Hezbollah, killing 19 U.S. airmen.

• October 12, 2000: Provision of support to al-Qaeda for the bombing of USS Cole in Yemen, killing 17 U.S. sailors.

• March 20, 2003 - 2011: Supply of weapons, advisors, and support to Iraqi insurgents, causing thousands of U.S. casualties.

• January 20, 2007: Attack on Karbala provincial headquarters by Iran-backed militants, killing five U.S. soldiers.

• 2006 - 2021: Supply of weapons to Taliban in Afghanistan, contributing to U.S. casualties.

• October 11, 2011: Foiled IRGC Quds Force plot to assassinate Saudi ambassador in Washington, D.C.

• December 4, 2011: Capture and refusal to return U.S. RQ-170 drone.

• 2011 - 2013: DDoS cyber attacks on U.S. banks and financial institutions.

• September 15, 2013: Hacking into U.S. Navy's unclassified network.

• January 12, 2016: Detention of 10 U.S. sailors in the Persian Gulf by IRGC.

• March 24, 2016: Indictment of Iranians for cyber attacks on U.S. banks and attempt to hack New York dam.

• October 30, 2019: Series of attacks on Iraqi bases housing U.S. troops by Iran-backed militias.

• December 31, 2019: Storming of U.S. Embassy in Baghdad by Iran-backed militias.

• January 8, 2020: Ballistic missile attacks on U.S. bases in Iraq, injuring over 100 troops.

• March 11, 2020: Rocket attack on Camp Taji in Iraq, killing two U.S. troops.

• February 19, 2021: Rocket attack on U.S.-led coalition base in Erbil, Iraq.

• March 4, 2021: Rocket attack on Ain al-Asad air base hosting U.S. troops.

• July 13, 2021: Foiled kidnapping plot against Iranian-American journalist Masih Alinejad.

• October 20, 2021: Drone attack on Al-Tanf base in Syria.

• January 5, 2022: Attacks on U.S. sites in Iraq and Syria by Iran-backed militias.

• March 13, 2022: IRGC missile attack on Erbil targeting U.S. interests.

• June 1, 2022: Cyberattack on Boston Children’s Hospital.

• August 10, 2022: Murder-for-hire plot against former U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton.

• August 13, 2022: Stabbing of Salman Rushdie, linked to Iranian fatwa.

• October 7, 2023 - Ongoing: Over 180 attacks by Iranian proxies on U.S. forces in the Middle East, including a January 2024 drone strike in Jordan killing three U.S. troops.

• 2024: Plot to assassinate Donald Trump and Masih Alinejad.

• June 23, 2025: Missile attack on U.S. forces at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar.

#Iran #Terrorists

2/28/26

What Did The Secret Service Know About Clinton and Epstein

  

Assistant FBI Director Dan Bongino

What Did The Secret Service Know About Clinton and Epstein

Dan Bongino Told A Story via 2nd Party ...

Clinton and Epstein:

Dan Bongino is the current Assistant FBI Director. Before that he had a Podcast and a show on FOX News. Before that he was a NYPD Cop, then on Obama’s Secret Service Detail. He said once "When Obama got a few Heinekens in him he would tell what he thought about Joe Biden."

Anyway, Bongino explained on his Podcast a conversation he had with a friend who was a younger Secret Service Agent. This Agent didn't really know much about Bill Clinton.  He referred to him as 'This Guy' - being Clinton. So he was assigned to Clinton's detail on Epstein’s plane to 'the island'. He told Bongino that after takeoff 'This Guy' goes to the back of the plane with two young girls and they were giggling about something. They made a stop. The young Agent found the Detail Supervisor and told him what he saw. He told the Supervisor "I am not getting back on that plane." They had to fly that Agent home on a separate flight.

Clinton flew over 25 times on that plane. Trump has his own plane that he paid for with his own money and not money stolen from Haitian Disaster Relief  ... JUST SAYIN' ...


OPINION

The Two Planes: A Tale of Elite Corruption and the Smokescreen of "Whataboutism"


In the annals of American political corruption, certain stories cut through the partisan noise to reveal a deeper, more unsettling truth about the powerful. The account of Bill Clinton’s travels on Jeffrey Epstein’s “Lolita Express,” punctuated by the moral revulsion of a young Secret Service agent, is one such story. It is not merely a salacious anecdote from a bygone era; it is a stark emblem of a permanent political class that operates by a separate set of rules, insulated by its own institutions and protected by a media willing to look the other way. The contrast drawn—between a former president cavorting with a convicted sex trafficker on a plane synonymous with depravity, and a political opponent who used his own, privately-funded aircraft—is about more than just the men involved. It is about the fundamental difference between a system of unaccountable elitism and one of transparent, if flawed, populism.

The story, as relayed by Dan Bongino—a former Secret Service agent with an unimpeachable law enforcement pedigree—is damning in its specifics. A young agent, so new to the detail he referred to the former President of the United States as “this guy,” witnesses behavior so alarming on a flight to a known pedophile’s private island that he refuses to continue the assignment. He risks his career rather than be complicit in the scene unfolding around him. This is not a hearsay rumor from a political opponent; this is the testimony of a sworn federal officer, one trained to observe and protect. His instinctual recoil speaks volumes. It tells us that what he saw violated not just protocol, but basic human decency. The fact that Clinton took over two dozen such flights, developing a long-standing association with Epstein long after his initial conviction, paints a picture of a man who believed himself to be above the moral and legal constraints that bind ordinary citizens.

This pattern of alleged behavior points to a culture of impunity that surrounds the political left’s elite. For decades, Bill Clinton has been shielded by a protective carapace of political power, legal maneuvering, and media complicity. From the scandal with Monica Lewinsky, where he was credibly accused of abusing a power dynamic with a young intern, to the numerous allegations of sexual assault and harassment that have followed him, he has consistently been given a pass. His friendship with Epstein is the most grotesque chapter in this long narrative. The media, which rightly pursues allegations of misconduct with relentless vigor when they involve conservative figures, has often treated the Clinton-Epstein connection as a tangential, secondary story. The message is clear: for the right kind of powerful person, with the right kind of political affiliations, the rules are different. The guardrails of accountability are removed.

This brings us to the crucial counterpoint: the case of Donald Trump. The post’s comparison is instructive. It is true that Trump flew on Epstein’s plane on a handful of occasions, a fact he has never denied and one that his opponents cite in a desperate attempt to create a false moral equivalence. But the equivalence is shattered by the details. Trump owned his own plane, the famed “Trump Force One,” a symbol of his private sector success and personal brand. He had no recurring need to hitch a ride on a predator’s jet. More importantly, when Epstein’s crimes came into full view, Trump cooperated with authorities and publicly banned Epstein from his properties. The relationship ended. This stands in stark contrast to Clinton, who continued his association and, according to flight logs, took multiple trips *after* Epstein’s 2008 conviction for soliciting prostitution from a minor.

The attempt to blur these lines is a classic tactic of “whataboutism,” designed not to defend Trump, but to provide cover for Clinton by muddying the waters. It is a smokescreen. The conservative perspective here is not that any association with a bad person is automatically disqualifying; it is about the nature, duration, and context of that association. A handful of flights a decade before Epstein’s first conviction, followed by a clean and public break, is not the same as two dozen flights, including many after the world knew Epstein was a criminal, to an island specifically designed for the exploitation of young girls.

Furthermore, the post’s jab about “money stolen from Haitian Disaster Relief” touches on another key conservative grievance: the Clinton Foundation. For years, serious questions have been raised about the foundation’s operations, with allegations that it functioned as a de facto slush fund, trading access and influence for donations from foreign governments and entities with business before the State Department. The perception, whether proven in a court of law or not, is that the Clintons leveraged public office for vast private enrichment, operating in the grey areas between philanthropy, diplomacy, and personal gain. This stands in contrast to a figure like Trump, whose wealth was accrued in the private sector, and whose assets were placed in a blind trust upon taking office.

The story of the two planes is a metaphor for the choice facing America. On one side is the “Lolita Express”—a symbol of a corrupt, unaccountable, and decaying establishment that believes power grants it license. It is a world of hidden dealings, compromised principles, and a profound contempt for the citizenry it purports to serve. On the other side is a privately-owned plane—a symbol of brash, transparent, and self-made success. It may be gaudy and controversial, but its ownership is clear, its funding is known, and its trajectory is not hidden in the flight logs of a sex offender.

The young Secret Service agent who refused to get back on that plane represents the conscience of a nation that is slowly awakening to the corruption of its ruling class. His instinct was to distance himself from the stench of decay. Conservatives understand this instinct. It is the same impulse that drives the movement to drain the swamp, to challenge the media narrative, and to hold the powerful accountable, regardless of their party affiliation. The Clinton-Epstein story is not a partisan issue; it is a test of our nation’s character. Will we continue to excuse the grotesque behavior of the elite, or will we, like that young agent, finally declare, “I am not getting back on that plane”? The future of the Republic may depend on the answer.

#DanBonjino #Epstein #JeffreyEpstein #BillClinton