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8/21/25
DAVID MARCUS: DC just had a murder-free week, and yes, Dems, Trump did that
Are seed oils bad for you? Vegetable oil vs. olive oil vs. butter
Are seed oils bad for you? Vegetable oil vs. olive oil vs. butter
It’s time to sort the science from the pseudoscience.
Trump Gets A Win In Mortgage Fraud Case
8/20/25
The Unraveling of Trust: JFK, Allen Dulles, and the Fatal Rift That Shook a Nation
Did The Kennedy Rift With The CIA Cause An Assassination?
The Unraveling of Trust: JFK, Allen Dulles, and the Fatal Rift That Shook a Nation
The assassination of President John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, remains the primordial American conspiracy, a wound in the national psyche that has never fully healed. In the six decades since, a cottage industry of theories has emerged, pointing fingers in myriad directions. Among the most persistent and compelling narratives is one that connects the murder in Dealey Plaza directly to the highest echelons of American power. It is a story that begins not with a lone gunman, but in the hallowed, secretive halls of the Central Intelligence Agency. At its heart is a profound and dangerous question: Did President Kennedy’s determination to rein in and dismantle the very intelligence apparatus he commanded—including his very public firing of its legendary chief, Allen Dulles—create a motive for his removal?
To understand the gravity of this clash, one must first appreciate the titan Kennedy sought to topple. Allen Welsh Dulles was not merely a government employee; he was the embodiment of the nascent Cold War national security state. As the CIA’s first civilian Director and its longest-serving director, Dulles was a Washington institution. His career stretched back to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in World War II, and his social and professional networks were woven into the fabric of the Eastern Establishment. He operated with an autonomy that often bypassed presidential oversight, believing that in the existential struggle against communism, the ends unequivocally justified the means.
This philosophy found its ultimate expression in the CIA’s covert action wing. Under Dulles, the Agency didn’t just gather intelligence; it shaped the world. It orchestrated coups, such as the 1953 ouster of Iran's Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh and the 1954 overthrow of Guatemala's democratically elected President Jacobo Árbenz. These successes, celebrated in the corridors of power, cemented a culture of unaccountable action. The CIA became a state within a state, answerable more to its own internal logic and the doctrine of "plausible deniability" than to the elected officials it nominally served.
When the young, idealistic John F. Kennedy entered the Oval Office in 1961, he inherited this powerful and headstrong institution. The collision course was set almost immediately with the Bay of Pigs invasion in April of that year. Conceived and planned under Eisenhower and fervently championed by Dulles and his deputy, Richard Bissell, the operation was a blueprint for toppling Fidel Castro using a proxy force of CIA-trained Cuban exiles.
Kennedy, wary of overt American military involvement, insisted on a covert operation. However, he was given a deeply flawed plan, one that relied on a popular uprising in Cuba that CIA intelligence knew was unlikely to materialize. More alarmingly, the military and CIA planners presented the operation as a fait accompli, believing that once the exiles were engaged, the President would have no choice but to commit full U.S. military force to ensure victory. They were attempting to box in a new and inexperienced president.
The invasion was a catastrophic failure. The exiles were slaughtered or captured on the beaches, and the United States was humiliated on the world stage. A furious and betrayed Kennedy was left to publicly shoulder the blame. Privately, he was seething. He famously said he wanted to "splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds." He felt he had been manipulated by the "grey, dull, faceless" men in Langley who had given him overly optimistic and dishonest assessments.
His response was swift and decisive. While he did not shatter the Agency, he did break its leadership. Within months, he forced the resignations of both Deputy Director Bissell and, most symbolically, Director Allen Dulles. Firing Dulles was not just a personnel change; it was a seismic event. It was the new president, the outsider from a political dynasty, firing the untouchable godfather of the Cold War. To the old guard within the CIA and the national security establishment, it was an unforgivable act of humiliation and a declaration of war on their methods and their authority.
But Kennedy’s housecleaning did not stop there. He passed over Dulles’s deputy, the expected successor, and installed John McCone, an outsider he believed he could control. More importantly, he handed primary responsibility for Cuban affairs—and the ongoing obsession with eliminating Castro—to his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy. The CIA, which had considered anti-Castro operations its exclusive domain, was now being micromanaged and second-guessed by the President’s brother, a man they viewed with intense suspicion and resentment.
The rift deepened with the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. While the peaceful resolution is rightly remembered as Kennedy’s finest hour, it was viewed very differently by hardliners in the military and intelligence communities. To men like Air Force Chief Curtis LeMay, who labeled the peaceful outcome a "defeat" and compared it to the appeasement at Munich, Kennedy’s refusal to launch airstrikes and invade Cuba was a profound failure of will. He had chosen diplomacy over decisive force, and in the eyes of this faction, he had left a mortal enemy in place. This perception of weakness and indecision created a dangerous schism between the Commander-in-Chief and the national security apparatus he led.
In the aftermath, Kennedy’s intentions became even more alarming to the warhawks. He began pursuing back-channel communications with both Castro and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. He gave a transformative speech at American University in June 1963, calling for an end to the Cold War and a re-evaluation of the Soviet Union, stating, "Our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children’s future. And we are all mortal." He was working toward a nuclear test ban treaty. To a CIA and military-industrial complex built on the premise of a perpetual, Manichean struggle, this was not statesmanship; it was heresy. It threatened their budgets, their influence, and their very reason for being.
Most dangerously, Kennedy was winning. His popularity was soaring, and he was poised to easily win re-election in 1964. This meant another four years of his perceived weakness, another four years of his brother’s oversight, and another four years of his moves toward détente. For those who believed his policies were an existential threat to the nation’s security, the constitutional path to removing him was closed. The only way to stop him was an unconstitutional one.
This is the fertile ground from which conspiracy theories grow. The motive is clear and powerful: A president, seen as a traitor to the hardline Cold War cause, was moving to dismantle the secret government and make peace with its enemies. He had already fired its revered leader and humiliated the institution. He was a clear and present danger to its existence. The means were also present: The CIA had, through its Operation Mongoose and other anti-Castro ventures, extensive ties to the Mafia (for assassination plots) and to Cuban exile groups brimming with fanatical, vengeful men who felt betrayed by Kennedy at the Bay of Pigs. The Agency had the operational expertise, the assets, and the tradecraft to orchestrate a complex event and, crucially, the power to obscure its own involvement afterward.
The official investigatory bodies, the Warren Commission and later the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), were heavily influenced by the very establishment figures under suspicion. Most notably, Allen Dulles himself was appointed by President Johnson to serve on the Warren Commission. The man fired by Kennedy was now in a position to help direct the investigation into his murder—a fact so staggering it seems ripped from a political thriller. It is impossible to imagine this did not have a chilling effect on the investigation’s pursuit of certain leads.
While the HSCA ultimately concluded in 1979 that Kennedy was "probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy," it did not name the CIA. It left the door open to Mafia or anti-Castro Cuban involvement, both groups the CIA had connections with. The destruction of key evidence and the failure of the early investigations to pursue possible conspiracy angles have forever clouded the case.
The question "Is this why he was killed?" can never be answered with legal certainty without a definitive, unimpeachable evidence. What history can tell us is that John F. Kennedy’s relationship with the CIA was one of the most toxic and dysfunctional in American history. He had given the "state within a state" a powerful motive to despise him, to fear his continued leadership, and to work actively against his policies. He had demonstrated that he was willing to break them.
Whether this animosity translated into active participation in his assassination remains the subject of fierce debate. But it is undeniable that the climate of hostility and mistrust between the President and his own intelligence agency created a set of conditions where such an event became, if not inevitable, then tragically conceivable. The firing of Allen Dulles was not a single cause, but a central act in a high-stakes drama of power, ideology, and betrayal. It was a declaration that the president was in charge, a message that was received, resented, and, some believe, returned with fatal finality in Dallas. The true legacy of that rift is a haunting and enduring question mark over American history, a permanent reminder of the dangers when the instruments of state power slip their democratic leash.
#JFK #Assassination #CIA #AllenDulles #JohnFKennedy
The Unbreakable Will: Ukraine’s Centuries-Long Journey to Sovereignty and the Final Break from Russia
The Unbreakable Will: Ukraine’s Centuries-Long Journey to Sovereignty and the Final Break from Russia
The image of a war-torn Ukraine, defiantly resisting a larger invader, has become a defining narrative of the 21st century. To many observers, the conflict that exploded in 2014 and escalated dramatically in 2022 appeared as a sudden "breakaway" of Ukraine from Russia. However, this framing is a profound oversimplification. Ukraine’s path to independence is not a recent schism but a centuries-long struggle for national identity, sovereignty, and self-determination against imperial domination, primarily from Moscow. The events of the last decade are not the cause of the break but the violent, tragic culmination of a long and unresolved historical process.
This article will trace the deep historical roots of Ukrainian nationhood, the period of Soviet control, the pivotal moment of independence in 1991, and the complex post-Soviet relationship that ultimately led to the point of rupture, fueled by the aspirations of the Ukrainian people and the aggression of a revanchist Kremlin.
I. The Historical Roots of a Distinct Nation
The foundational element often missed in the Kremlin’s narrative is that Ukraine is not a mere historical offshoot of Russia. Its journey to statehood began long before the rise of Muscovy.
Kyivan Rus': The Common Ancestor: The first major East Slavic state was Kyivan Rus' (9th to 13th centuries), with its capital in Kyiv. This medieval federation, which adopted Orthodox Christianity in 988, is a cornerstone of history for Ukrainians, Russians, and Belarusians. Moscow, founded in the 12th century, was a peripheral settlement at the time. When modern Russia claims Kyivan Rus' as its exclusive inheritance, it is effectively appropriating the cradle of Ukrainian civilization and denying Ukraine’s historical primacy in the region.
Divergent Paths: After the Mongol invasion of the 13th century, the lands of Kyivan Rus' were fractured. The north-eastern principalities, including Moscow, fell under Mongol rule (the "Tatar Yoke"), which heavily influenced its autocratic and centralized political culture. Meanwhile, the western and southern territories of Rus' (modern-day Ukraine) were incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and later the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This centuries-long separation meant that Ukrainian lands developed under a European legal and political system, fostering a distinct language, culture, and a tradition of Cossack self-governance that was fiercely resistant to external control, whether Polish or Russian.
Imperial Subjugation: The Cossack Hetmanate, a Ukrainian Cossack state, emerged in the 17th century. In 1654, seeking military support against Poland, Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky signed the Pereiaslav Agreement with the Tsardom of Moscow. This was intended as a military alliance between two partners, but Moscow increasingly interpreted it as an act of perpetual subjugation. Over the next centuries, the Russian Empire systematically dismantled Ukrainian autonomy, banning the Ukrainian language in print and public life (Ems Ukaz of 1876) and enforcing a policy of Russification, branding Ukraine as "Little Russia."
II. The Soviet Era: Formal Unity, Forced Assimilation
The 20th century brought new forms of control under the Soviet Union. Ukraine became a founding republic of the USSR in 1922, but this was a fig leaf of sovereignty.
The Holodomor: In 1932-33, Joseph Stalin’s policy of forced collectivization led to a man-made famine that killed millions of Ukrainians. This was not merely a tragic oversight but a deliberate act of terror to crush Ukrainian peasant resistance and nationalist spirit. The Holodomor is widely regarded by Ukraine and numerous countries as a genocide, a brutal attempt to break the backbone of the nation.
Political and Cultural Repression: The Soviet era was characterized by the relentless suppression of Ukrainian intellectuals, artists, and political dissidents. While the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic had a seat at the UN, all real power resided in Moscow. The Russian language was promoted as the language of state, progress, and the "Soviet people," while Ukrainian was often marginalized to a rural, folkloric status.
The Weight of History: Despite this oppression, a distinct Ukrainian identity persisted underground and in diaspora communities. The Chornobyl disaster of 1986, which occurred on Ukrainian soil and was catastrophically mishandled by the Soviet government, became a powerful symbol of Moscow’s disregard for its subjects and further galvanized national sentiment.
III. 1991: The Legal Break—A Vote for Independence
The collapse of the Soviet Union provided the historic opportunity for a legal and peaceful break. In a referendum on December 1, 1991, an astounding 92.3% of Ukrainian voters voted for independence. This vote was not a narrow ethnic split; it was a landslide across all regions, including areas with large Russian-speaking populations like Crimea and the Donbas. This moment was crucial—it was the democratic expression of the Ukrainian people’s desire to be a sovereign state, free from Moscow’s control.
The subsequent dissolution of the USSR was, in legal terms, the formal and mutually recognized break. Ukraine was recognized internationally, including by the Russian Federation under Boris Yeltsin, which accepted its new borders.
IV. The Post-Soviet Drift: The Unresolved Relationship
For the next two decades, Ukraine’s path wavered between East and West, reflecting an internal struggle over its identity and future.
The Pull of Europe: Many Ukrainians, particularly in the western and central regions, looked towards European integration as a path to modernization, democracy, and a definitive break from a corrupt and authoritarian post-Soviet model, which Russia increasingly embodied.
Russian Leverage and Influence: Russia never fully accepted Ukrainian sovereignty. It maintained influence through economic levers (cheap gas), political manipulation (supporting pro-Russian political parties and presidents), and the constant promotion of a narrative of shared history, culture, and "fraternal peoples." The presence of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol, Crimea, was a constant reminder of its lingering military presence.
The Orange Revolution (2004): A major turning point. When a fraudulent presidential election attempted to install the pro-Russian candidate Viktor Yanukovych, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians protested for weeks, forcing a new vote that brought the pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko to power. This was a massive, peaceful popular revolt against Kremlin interference and a clear signal of Ukraine’s European aspirations.
V. The Point of Rupture: 2014 and the War for Europe’s Future
The final, violent break was triggered in late 2013 by President Yanukovych’s last-minute decision to abandon an Association Agreement with the European Union under intense pressure from Moscow. This sparked the Euromaidan Revolution (also known as the Revolution of Dignity).
For three months, Ukrainians from all walks of life protested in Kyiv’s Independence Square, demanding an end to corruption, closer ties with Europe, and Yanukovych’s resignation. The government’s violent crackdown, which killed over 100 protesters, only hardened their resolve. In February 2014, Yanukovych fled to Russia.
The Ukrainian people had once again decisively chosen a European future. For Vladimir Putin’s Russia, which views the loss of Ukraine as a catastrophic geopolitical defeat that invalidates its great-power status, this was a red line.
The Annexation of Crimea: In response, Russia launched a swift and covert military operation, seizing Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula under the guise of "little green men" (soldiers without insignia). A sham referendum was held at gunpoint, and Russia formally annexed Crimea in March 2014. This was the first forcible redrawing of borders in Europe since WWII, a blatant violation of international law and countless treaties Russia had signed.
War in the Donbas: Almost immediately, Russia fomented and armed a separatist insurgency in Ukraine’s eastern Donbas region. It provided not only weapons but also regular Russian troops, sophisticated military equipment, and command-and-control. This hybrid war, which claimed over 14,000 lives between 2014 and early 2022, was Russia’s tool to destabilize Ukraine, prevent its Western integration, and maintain a lever of control.
VI. 2022: The Full-Scale Invasion and the Finality of the Break
The eight years of simmering conflict were a prelude. Despite the Minsk agreements aimed at a ceasefire, Ukraine continued its pro-Western trajectory, and its military, hardened by war, grew more capable. For Putin, the prospect of a successful, democratic, and European Ukraine on Russia’s border was an existential threat to his regime’s model of autocratic rule.
The full-scale invasion launched on February 24, 2022, was the ultimate attempt to reverse the verdict of 1991 by force. Its goal was to eradicate the Ukrainian state and identity entirely. However, it has achieved the exact opposite. The invasion has inflicted horrific suffering, but it has also:
1. Annihilated any remaining cultural or fraternal ties: Russian bombs have destroyed Ukrainian cities, theaters, and museums, killing tens of thousands. Any notion of "brotherly peoples" is now a grotesque memory.
2. Solidified Ukrainian National Identity: Resistance has become the unifying national project. The Ukrainian language and culture are now more assertive than at any point in modern history.
3. Made the Break Permanent and Irreversible: There is no scenario in which Ukraine, after such sacrifice, would ever voluntarily return to Russia’s sphere of influence. Its future is unambiguously tied to the West, with EU candidate status granted and NATO membership a stated goal.
Conclusion
Ukraine’s break from Russia is not a recent event but the final, violent chapter of a long historical process. It is the story of a nation that has fought for centuries to emerge from the shadow of its imperial neighbor. The democratic choice of the Ukrainian people in 1991 and again during the Euromaidan was met not with respect but with annexation, war, and ultimately a genocidal-scale invasion.
The rupture is now total and absolute. It is a break not just of political systems or alliances, but of civilizational choice. Ukraine has chosen the path of sovereignty, democracy, and Europe. Russia, through its brutal aggression, has chosen empire, autocracy, and isolation. The war today is not about causing the break; it is about Russia’s refusal to accept that the break, forged by Ukraine’s unbreakable will, happened long ago.
#Ukraine #Russia #USSR #SovietUnion
8/15/25
How Kamala Harris Helped Create a Crime Wave in CA
How Kamala Harris Helped Create a Crime Wave in CA
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Trump says he will take control of DC police, deploy National Guard to capital
Trump says he will take control of DC police, deploy National Guard to capital
- National Guard troops to be deployed to Washington
- Trump to take direct control of city police
- Trump uses urban crime in latest political strategy push